Do not believe Norway is usårbart

TV tips that take you on vacation Bård Standal Show more This year marks thirty years since I first stepped into the pulpit at partilandsmøte. A few months

TV tips to guide you on your vacation Bård Standal Show more

This year marks thirty years since I first stepped into the pulpit at partilandsmøte.

A few months earlier, Bulgaria dissolved its union and Lithuania began its march toward independence when 300,000 protesters staged what was dubbed the “Singing Revolution.”

the fight for the future is won. One by one, he replaced the old kommuniststater rasjoneringskort and travel restrictions with trade and tourism agreements. Our side wins election after election. In Hungary, the Hungarian Democratic Forum, the Russian party Fidesz were in the first free elections in the country.

The future belonged to us. liberal right. He was so sure that only a fifteen-year-old boy with braces and a Nyvunnen conviction could be.

The future was global and liberal. He belonged to an open society with free speech, functioning democracies, a market economy, a strong rule of law, and free human movement across borders.

International Nasjonalistens Comment

I don’t remember what he was talking about. But I remember that -despite my somewhat latent entrance- I received applause. The other was as sure as I. Together we fight the good fight. And we were about to win. We should have reached the end point of Francis Fukuyama, two years later.

Through the struggles of the 1990s, we worked together through parties and organizations. For the EUROPEAN UNION and international free trade agreements. For globalization and science. The man would revive the Russian business magazine Farmand. Others had other exciting projects that I learned from. All of them should change the world in their own way.

We slept on each other’s couches. We were acquaintances, friends and occasionally boyfriends. All the things that you associate with the moment when you go from youth to adulthood. Everyone is looking for community. We will have something that connects us. Our glue was the common cause. We had some kind of sense in what we were doing.

That was what I thought, anyway.

An acquaintance of mine who tried to revive the liberal magazine Farmand is today the leader of the Alianza mini-party. Where he spreads his antisemitism and conspiracy theories.

Strengthens the EU in crisis Comment

Recently, along with some of them, I still feel like a valuable community, we got together to talk about another old friend of ours. The anger he expresses against Muslims, the state and malcontents has reached such a level that we feared he “might find something.”

And they are not alone. – What happened to the chicken? “This is not OK!” “Did you see what X said?” I don’t realize how many times these phrases have been said when those of us who are still with both feet in the liberal project meet.

Those who we thought were closest to us are suddenly the ones that are furthest from us. And not only in Norway. When Hungary’s libertarian Fidesz party invaded parliament in the 1990 elections, it invited its parliamentary leader, Viktor Orbán. Today both he and the party rule Hungary in an authoritarian and neo-fascist direction. The same powers apply in Poland.

In the United States, the author Anne Applebaum asked herself the same question. “What caused this transformation?” she asks herself. “Have any of our friends always been skapautoritære? Or have the people you skålte with at the start of the new millennium changed in some way in the last twenty years?”

Yes, the comment is dangerous.

As she points out: The people we are talking about here are not stereotypical Trumpvelgers with the primaries and Fox News as their only news source. These are educated people. They write books and travel. They know a foreign language. They live in New York, Oslo, London and Berlin. They are not the new høyresidens pedestrians. They are your architects and builders.

Armed with examples ranging from the Greek civil wars to the Dreyfussaffæren in France, she offers a thought-provoking answer. The liberal moment, which in practice began with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and came together on September 11, 2001, was an exception, ”he says. Polarization and democratic skepticism was the historical norm.

Include user LydErrorAllerede plus? LoginError ABSURD SCENES: On June 24, Polish President Andrzej Pitanja was invited to the White House. Video: The White House. Reporter: Madeleine Liereng / Dagbladet TV Show more

The communist regimes that collapsed in the early 1990s were illegitimate populists who vanquished all diversity. They had to fight. We liberals, and our former friends in what is now called the “new Nietzsche,” have learned different things from the struggle. We learned the value of diversity. We have learned that the adversary is an illegitimate enemy that must be fought against.

Lessons from Hungary, Poland and other countries tell us that our former friends are just as dangerous as the communists they helped us fight. They are very skilled. They are well educated. And they know how the country should be run.

In Poland, it took several years before the independence of the courts was set aside. If similar powers were to gain power here, it would only take months. That is, in Great Britain the government has the right to appoint whoever it wants. The same applies to other areas of public life.

The politicization of the courts in Poland began with an election that would “evaluate the role of the court.” It was the first step to kneeling. Two months ago, the center party, with the same proposal here in Norway, accused the national judicial administration of “obstructing the will of the father”.

Today’s Senterparti has little in common with the powers that now rule Poland and Hungary. They just want to clarify their roles. They will not control the courts. It is unlikely that the thought of doing it a second time would turn them off.

Destroy Democracy Comment

In Norway we don’t like it. The only time in living memory that the Government annulled dommerstellingsing was when in 2007 it obtained a kjønnsbalansen in a court located in Vestfold county. No one asked any of the candidates what problems they would come up with.

Power behaves in Norway. So, we have not built institutional barriers against authoritarianism. We assume that whoever has power limits himself. So far, after all, our experience is that they always have.

Last year I beat up one of my old “liberal” nittitallsvenners at Gardermoen. He had just returned from a meeting in Budapest where former Trump strategist Steve Bannon took over the main field of input. “Very interesting,” he said. “Much to learn.”

Applebaum characterized his experiences as a warning from Poland. The whole society can become authoritarian. All they need is a competent environment that is willing to take the lead and build a system around them.

today the risk in Norway is low. Today, confidence remains high. Maybe we will use the moment to build institutions together that we know will last the day 10-20-30 years from now when that will no longer be the case.

We can all hope that day never comes. But the day it happens, it’s too late to prepare. he

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